The civil society speaks out: This indictment is an attack on us all! Peaceful climate protest must not be prosecuted as a “criminal organization”!
The climate crisis is escalating. Protest is meant to disrupt – and in a democracy, it is allowed to do so! Prosecution for “forming a criminal organization” violates our right to freedom of assembly and association and threatens the very foundations of our democracy.
The indictment issued by the Munich General Prosecutor’s Office on 28th February 2025, against Carla, Christian, Wolfgang, Imke and Ingo for allegedly forming a criminal organization under §129 of the German Criminal Code is a blatant attack on the constitutionally and internationally protected rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association. Protest – including civil disobedience – is not organized crime, but a legitimate means of democratic participation – especially in times of an escalating climate catastrophe. [1][2]
The classification of peaceful civil disobedience as organized crime contradicts established international human rights standards.
This has caused Five UN Special Rapporteurs to express serious concerns about the indictment in a joint letter to the German government, criticizing the actions of the authorities. They see the prosecution of ”Letzte Generation” as a criminal organization as an abuse of §129 of the German Criminal Code to punish civil disobedience – posing a serious threat to freedom of expression, association, and assembly in Germany. [3] Another UN Special Rapporteur has described such repressive measures against climate activists as a “major threat to human rights and democracy in Europe.” [4]
This restriction of fundamental rights affects all of civil society!
State intervention in fundamental freedoms – especially through criminal prosecution – can only be justified if it pursues a legitimate goal and is necessary, appropriate, and proportionate to achieving that goal. Especially strict standards have to be applied when collective protest in itself shall be punished, rather than actual acts of protest – which is exactly the aim of applying §129 to the protest of “Letzte Generation”. It is not about punishing specific legal violations committed by the activists, such as coercion, trespassing, or property damage, but rather aims to prosecute the collective; the political movement as a criminal organization.
Such criminalization of political activism is toxic for a free democracy. One of democracy’s defining characteristics and the core principle of freedom of assembly and association is that people organize to participate in public discourse and political decision-making. Therefore, the collective, nonviolent protest of climate activists in defense of natural resources cannot constitute a “serious threat to public security” as required by §129 of the German Criminal Code. [5] Numerous legal scholars have also criticized the actions of the Munich Prosecutor’s Office against “Letzte Generation”. [6] Prosecuting them as a criminal organization undermines the very pillars of our democracy and sets a dangerous precedent that puts anyone engaging in political activism or supporting certain political causes at risk of criminal prosecution.
Democracy is under increasing pressure worldwide. Especially in times of growing anti-democratic forces and the climate catastrophe, in times of authoritarian demands raising their voices in politics, the judiciary must stand as a guardian of our fundamental rights – the foundation of our democratic freedoms. Democracy thrives on the engagement of its citizens – including, and especially, through protest. Instead of criminalizing those who call for urgent climate action, the justice system should prosecute those who actively contribute to planetary destruction.
"The only legitimate response to peaceful environmental activism and civil disobedience at this point is that the authorities, the media, and the public realize how essential it is for us all to listen to what environmental defenders have to say.” Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on Environmental Defenders. [4]
Civil Society demands:
The prosecution of “Letzte Generation” as a criminal organization must stop! This form of criminalization of peaceful protest endangers our democracy!
References
[1] Human Rights Committee, General comment No. 37 (2020) on the right of peaceful assembly, OSCE/ODIHR, para. 16; Venice Commission, Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly (2019), available at https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/?pdf=CDL-AD(2019)017-e, §§ 11 and 228; UN Special Rapporteur on Environmental Defenders under the Aarhus Convention, Draft Guidelines on the Right to Peaceful Environmental Protest and Civil Disobedience (2025), available at https://unece.org/environment/documents/2025/02/guidelines-right-peaceful-environmental-protest-and-civil-disobedience.
[2] Siehe zu einer Hafenblockade von Greenpeace: EGMR, Friedrich and others v. Poland, 20.08.2024, Appl. No. 25344/20, §§ 247-248.
[3] Communication by the UN Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights defenders, the promotion and protection of human rights in the context of climate change, the human right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment; the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, 1.10.2024, available at https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=29390.
[4] UN Special Rapporteur on Environmental Defenders under the Aarhus Convention, State repression of environmental protest and civil disobedience: a major threat to human rights and democracy, Position Paper, 2024, p. 15, available at https://unece.org/sites/default/files/2024-02/UNSR_EnvDefenders_Aarhus_Position_Paper_Civil_Disobedience_EN.pdf.
[5] BGH, Urt. v. 12.09.2023, Az. 3 StR 306/22, Rn. 71.
[6] Jahn/Wenglarczyk, Organisierte Klimaproteste und Strafverfassungsrecht, JZ 2023, 885; Zöller, „Letzte Generation“ als kriminelle Vereinigung, NSW 2024, 110, verfügbar unter https://nsw-online.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Zoeller_NSW2024_01_09-2.pdf; Kuhli/Papenfuß, Warum die „Letzte Generation“ (noch) keine kriminelle Vereinigung ist, KriPoZ 2023, 71, verfügbar unter https://kripoz.de/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/kuhli-papenfuss-warum-die-letzte-generation-noch-keine-kriminelle-vereinigung-ist.pdf; Singelnstein/Winkler, Wo die kriminelle Vereinigung beginnt – Zu den strafverfassungsrechtlichen Grenzen der §§ 129 ff. StGB, NJW 2023, 2815; Höffler, Ziviler Ungehorsam – Testfall für den demokratischen Rechtsstaat, Verfassungsblog, 25.05.2023, verfügbar unter https://verfassungsblog.de/ziviler-ungehorsam-testfall-fur-den-demokratischen-rechtsstaat/. Zum Reformbedarf der Vorschrift: Heger/Huthmann, Diskussion um § 129 StGB: Braucht Deutschland einen eigenen Tatbestand für schwerkriminelle Vereinigungen?, KriPoZ 2023, 259, vergübar unter https://kripoz.de/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/heger-huthmann-diskussion-um-129-stgb.pdf.